California’s 10th District House Race 2026

Democratic Rep. Josh Harder faces Republican John McBride in the general election for California's 9th Congressional District, a rematch after McBride failed to advance past the primary in 2024. Harder, first elected in 2018 and representing the 9th District since 2022 redistricting, won 60% of the June primary vote to McBride's 23%.

The district, centered in the northern San Joaquin Valley with parts of Contra Costa County, was redrawn ahead of this cycle to favor Harder's reelection, trimming areas like Lodi and Stockton while adding Antioch. It was previously one of two California districts to back Donald Trump in 2024 while also electing a Democrat to Congress.

Harder, a former venture capitalist, has focused on eliminating the gas tax, promoting alternative energy projects, and lowering healthcare costs, including prescription drug prices. McBride, a longtime strength and conditioning coach and Central Valley resident, is emphasizing affordability, a Make America Healthy Again-aligned healthcare approach, agriculture support, and tougher crime penalties.

Incumbent Rep. Doris Matsui, 81, faces the toughest reelection fight of her 21-year House tenure from progressive Sacramento City Councilmember Mai Vang, 41, in California's redrawn 7th Congressional District. Vang narrowly led the June primary with about 31.2% of the vote to Matsui's 29.1%, edging out Republican Zachariah Wooden for the second runoff spot in the solidly Democratic seat.

Redrawn under Proposition 50, the district now stretches from El Dorado Hills and Placerville south to Lodi and Linden, absorbing more GOP-leaning El Dorado County suburbs while losing West Sacramento and other areas. Matsui, who succeeded her late husband Robert in the seat, has secured backing from Gov. Gavin Newsom, Sen. Alex Padilla and Nancy Pelosi, and holds a large fundraising and cash-on-hand advantage. Vang, a Hmong refugees' daughter and council progressive known for shifting police funding toward youth and homeless services, has built her campaign on Medicare-For-All, affordable housing and rejecting corporate PAC money, drawing support from outside progressive groups.

Rep. David Valadao (R-Hanford) faces progressive Democrat Randy Villegas in California's 22nd Congressional District, one of the most closely watched House races in the country and a potential factor in the battle for control of Congress. Valadao has won the Central Valley swing district in six of the last seven elections despite a Democratic voter registration edge, but faces added pressure this cycle after Proposition 50 redistricting slightly increased the district's Democratic lean. He has also drawn criticism for his deciding vote on H.R. 1, a federal policy bill expected to strip healthcare coverage from millions, and for his ties to President Trump.

Villegas, a college professor and school board trustee backed by Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, defeated moderate Democrat Jasmeet Bains in the primary. He rejects corporate PAC money and campaigns on Medicare for All and affordability issues. Valadao holds a larger overall fundraising and cash advantage, though Villegas has out-raised him in recent filing periods. Analysts are split, with Inside Elections rating the seat "tilt Republican" and Sabato's Crystal Ball calling it "leans Democratic."

A new UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll, co-sponsored by the Los Angeles Times, finds Trump's approval among California Republicans has fallen to 76%, down from 83% last year, with only 44% saying they "strongly" support his performance, down from 57% in August 2025. Pollster Mark DiCamillo said the softer numbers could reduce Republican turnout in the state's few competitive congressional races, while UC Berkeley's G. Cristina Mora suggested Trump's efforts to nationalize the midterms could instead galvanize Democratic voters.

The decline comes as California's redrawn congressional map, approved by voters last year at Gov. Gavin Newsom's urging, leaves Republicans with just four safe seats out of 52. Cook Political Report rates only one true toss-up: the 22nd District held by Rep. David Valadao, who faces progressive Democrat Randy Villegas. Two other GOP-held or contested seats, the 48th and 13th Districts, lean Democratic. The poll also found 70% of California voters disapprove of Trump's Iran policy and believe his immigration approach hurts the state's economy, including roughly one in five Republicans on each measure.

A Los Angeles-area state Senate race between labor-backed West Hollywood City Councilmember John Erickson and business-supported media consultant Brian Goldsmith has become California's most expensive state Senate general election contest this cycle, driven by heavy outside spending. The district, covering Malibu, Santa Monica, the Pacific Palisades, Beverly Hills and West Hollywood, carries a 12-year term limit as both seek to succeed termed-out Sen. Ben Allen.

Business groups have targeted Erickson with attack spending, while tech-linked donors and Goldsmith's own personal funds have boosted his campaign; labor groups opposing Goldsmith have spent far less. Nancy Pelosi recently endorsed Goldsmith. Ads focus on affordability, housing, public safety and partisan loyalty, reflecting a broader business-labor struggle over California Democratic Party direction.

California's High-Speed Rail Authority secured only one of the several legislative priorities it said were needed to keep the Merced-to-Bakersfield rail segment on schedule. Gov. Gavin Newsom signed Senate Bill 1425, letting the authority issue permits to utilities, local governments and developers on authority-controlled land, but broader proposals—faster environmental reviews, expedited court dispute resolution, sales tax exemptions on construction materials, and new authority to tap local tax revenue near the rail line—stalled or were never formally introduced. Local officials strongly opposed the tax-revenue idea, calling it a raid on funds needed for services and road repairs.

A separate bill from Sen. Henry Stern to let the authority spend more state climate funds outside the Central Valley segment died in committee, as did a utility-relocation bill from Sen. Scott Wiener. The authority and lawmakers traded blame over the losses. The project, now estimated to cost $126-231 billion with full buildout by 2040, depends on $1 billion in annual state carbon-auction funding that could shrink under pending climate rule changes, adding further uncertainty to its timeline.

LeRoy Chatfield, a lifelong advocate for marginalized communities, died of natural causes on September 15 at age 92. A former member of the Congregation of Christian Brothers who taught for free in poor California communities, he left the order at 31 to join César Chávez's effort to organize farmworkers, becoming a key figure in building the United Farm Workers' early infrastructure, including its first medical plan and initial headquarters in Delano. He left the UFW in 1973.

Chatfield later managed Jerry Brown's gubernatorial campaign and became the first director of Brown's California Conservation Corps, opening 18 centers in its first year and a half. He went on to advocate for Sacramento's homeless population and, in his later years, built what is considered the definitive digital archive of the UFW's early history, eventually acquired by UC San Diego. His death comes months after allegations surfaced that Chávez had sexually abused women within the movement; friends and family say those allegations do not diminish Chatfield's own legacy of service. He is survived by his wife, five daughters and 10 grandchildren.

A new book by journalist Miriam Pawel, "California Dreams: The Making and Remaking of the University of California," chronicles the history of the UC system from its 1868 founding through its growth into a $60 billion enterprise spanning 10 campuses, six health systems and three national laboratories. The book frames California's relationship with UC as an intimate, often contentious family dynamic, tracing recurring battles over the university's identity across generations.

Pawel revisits major flashpoints including 1950s ideological purges during the Red Scare, the 1960s Free Speech Movement clashes, and the 1990s fight over Proposition 209, which banned affirmative action and reduced diversity across UC campuses. The review argues UC's core tension lies in being both selective — Berkeley admits fewer than 7,000 of over 130,000 applicants annually — and a vehicle for social mobility. The piece notes current disputes over DEI, free speech and federal funding pressure from the Trump administration echo these long-standing conflicts, suggesting institutional resilience remains UC's defining trait.